May 25th is the African Liberation Day. The day honours the 1963 signing of the charter establishing the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and pledging solidarity for the total liberation of Africa.
This year is unique for Africa and also quite challenging as revolutions or demonstrations continue to claim leaders (Tunisia, Ivory Coast, and Egypt) as many countries celebrated their 50th independence anniversaries. The OAU was set up to finish the anti-colonial struggle of the 1960s and also unite Africa (see Kwame Nkrumah’s book, Africa must unite).
It was successful in the liberation of southern Africa from the racist settler regimes and former Portuguese colonies of Guinea-Bissau, Angola and Mozambique. The organisation mobilised human and material resources across Africa in support of these struggles and also won diplomatic and political support internationally. OAU’s weaknesses should, therefore, not cloud some of its successes.
The charter signed in 1963 was a compromise between the radical ‘Casablanca’ states led by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Tubman of Liberia and Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt who wanted Africa’s immediate political union, as opposed to conservative alliances represented by the group of states who found a credible spokesperson in Mwalimu Julius Nyerere of Tanzania.
He was opposed to fast tracking African union and urged for functional unity (economic unity before political). Today the same debate as to whether to have regional blocks or a United States of Africa continues at the African Union.
The promised compromise on the charter also included an agreement that the borders inherited from colonialism remain inviolate, which was rather absurd. After a closer look, one finds that some of these countries were not really viable. The situation on the ground by that time probably dictated this, due to interstate conflicts.
Soon after, the OAU emerged as the most important ‘union’ or assembly of ‘dictators’ backed by personal armies and militias. Consequently, the organisation was unable to sanction any of its members like Idi Amin, who even became the chairman of the OAU in 1975, and Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire (DRC). This was because oppression of the African people by their own governments became “internal affairs” in which dictators had “sovereignty.”
The international environment of the cold war and emergence of neo-colonialism also constrained the various groups from achieving total unity. What mattered most then was whether regimes were “pro-east” or “pro west” and not their pan-African credentials.
The latter became victims of political and economic conspiracies as evidenced in the fate of Tom Mboya, Patrice Lumumba, Abdel Nasser, Ben Bella, Samora Machel and Thomas Sankara.
Today, the AU, although more or less a lame duck, has tried to push the voice of Africans in situations where leaders are stuck because they are still depending on handouts from their tormentors (colonial masters). They are operating in an environment in which their paymasters make resolutions at any time they wish, bring their military might to bear, all in the name of “saving the people.”
One would be amazed after calculating how many people die every day in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq and now Libya at the hands of these ‘Big Brothers’, using their devilish UN, WTO, IMF and now the recently added ICC.
As we face these challenges, the African Union must walk the talk, call to order all the imperial leaders and create space for development. Perhaps one may ask how far the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) that came into force in 2002 has come. Despite all these hurdles, we have reason to look forward to the future with optimism.
The colonial threat has not vanished; it’s now promoted by so-called African elites who only copy and paste from London to Lusaka and Washington to Kampala. We must engage in research and new innovations and strengthen our capacity through regional blocs, and ultimately build a strong and viable African Union.
This will be in conformation of what Nkrumah once said: “Forward ever, backward never.”
Written by Stephen Asiimwe